Has the IMF gone soft and fuzzy on Trade Unions?
For years you
could take it for granted that if anything were ever said by the International
Monetary Fund about trade unions it would be wholly negative. Like its next
door neighbour, the World Bank the
consensus of what passed for economic thinking over the last thirty years was
that no good would come from unions or the minimum wage. Of course little was
ever said as the IMF was about Macroeconomic stability and balance in the
global economy. Unions were a domestic matter for countries to address but if
you were to have the misfortune of sitting down with an IMF economist for
dinner you would almost certainly receive a
long and tedious lecture on the sins of the minimum wage and the evils
of trade unions. It was simple enough both raised wages above market levels and
therefore decreased the level of employment. But in a stunning turnaround the
IMF has produced a research paper by two of its research economists Ms Florence Jaumotte and Carolina Buitron, writing in the March issues of the IMF’s
publication Finance and Development, argue
how important the demise of trade unions is in explaining the growth of income
inequality in the developed countries.
Such a
conclusion is hardly astounding but what is stunning is that it was said at
all. To ever imagine that the IMF would say something positive about trade
unions is, to those familiar with it, almost in the domain of economic science
fiction. But suddenly the rise of massive income inequality over the last
thirty years all over the world and the threat that it poses to both political
and economic stability has now been seen by many economists as a real
impediment to economic growth and stability in the global economy. Concentrating too much wealth in the hand of
the very rich has now become a real impediment to growth and political and
economic stability.
The demise of
unions in developed countries is seen by most as a direct result of
globalization and de-industrialization. Trade unions in developed countries
used to be largely concentrated in the manufacturing and industrial sectors and
not in government as is more common in many developing countries. These have
declined massively as a result of globalization and technical change. For
example, and the US is not particularly exceptional, in 1950 one third of the non-farm workers in
the USA or 15 million workers were in the relatively highly unionised areas
such as manufacturing. The numbers of
workers in the traditionally unionized blue collar sectors declined massively
over the last sixty years. Employment in manufacturing in the USA was decimated
between 2000 and 2010 with employment in the sector falling from 17 million at the beginning to 11
at the end of the period. The causes are fairly well known- increased technical
efficiency and automation along with globalization and the shift of production China
and Mexico along with the devastating effects of the global economic crisis
which began in 2008. With manufacturing employment in decline and with a host
of anti-labour governments from Reagan (who was pro-labour in Poland but
viciously anti-labour at home) to Bush junior unionisation rates in the USA
have fallen from 20% of the labour force in the USA at the beginning of the
Reagan era in 1982 to 11% in 2014. After
30 years of conservative anti-labour policy in the USA, the effects of
globalization of markets and automation have put US trade unions in the
manufacturing sector on the endangered species list.
The
consequence of this is that unions, which were traditionally an important
political force in society to speak for the
direct commercial interests of
workers no longer have the numbers, the resources and the political pull to do
so. What the IMF researchers have shown is that even correcting for the
technological and globalization changes about half of the increase in the
wealth of the richest 10% of the global
population can be explained by the demise of unions and the decrease in the
their power and influence in developed countries. Unions have first and
foremost helped to push up wages of their members as well as those on minimum
wage levels. But perhaps just as importantly unions always had a countervailing
effect on the political classes because
of their ability to oppose self interested polices of wealthy national elites.
What is just
as interesting is what is driving this apparent change in the IMF? Has the Fund
suddenly, under the leadership of Christine Legard, gone
soft and fuzzy? Hardly! In the Greek bailout negotiations the IMF has
been as brutal as ever to the interests of workers. The world has changed since
the period of high-globalization which peaked in 1995 with the signing of the Uruguay
Round trade agreements and the creation of the World Trade Organization. The
change in many of the organizations is more than just cosmetic because the
changed circumstances of the global economy post-2008 require a more nuanced
approach to economic management. But no-one should be confused as these
institutions have not in essence changed. The IMF is there to protect the
international monetary system as it stands now and there is not a market that
they have found that they do not love desperately.
These are the views of Professor Roman
Grynberg and not necessarily those of any institution with which he is
affiliated.

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